Government and Politics
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Unlike monarchies, oligarchies, and dictatorships, the democratic form
of government implies an opposition which is tolerated or, indeed, encouraged to exist. In the United States, we have two major political
parties—the Democrats and Republicans—as well as various minor parties.
Sociologists use the term political party to refer to an organization whose
purposes are to promote candidates for elected office, advance an ideology
as reflected in positions on political issues, win elections, and exercise
power. Whether a democracy has two major political parties (as in the
United States) or incorporates a multiparty system (as in France and
Israel), it will typically stress the need for differing points of view.
Seymour Martin Upset, among other sociologists, has attempted to
identify the factors which may help to bring about democratic forms of
government. He argues that a high level of economic development encourages
both stability and democracy. Upset reached this conclusion after studying
50 nations and finding a high correlation between economic development and
certain forms of government.
Why should there be such a link? In a society with a high level of development, the population generally tends to be urbanized and literate and is better equipped to participate in decision making and make the views of its members heard. In addition, as Upset suggests, a relatively affluent society will be comparatively free from demands on government by low-income citizens. Poor people in such nations can reasonably aspire to upward mobility. Therefore, along with the large middle class typically found in industrial societies, the poorer segments of society may have a stake in economic and political stability.
Upset’s formulation has been attacked by conflict theorists, who tend
to be critical of the distribution of power within democracies. As we will
see later, many conflict theorists believe that the United States is run by
a small economic and political elite. At the same time, they observe that
economic stability does not necessarily promote or guarantee political
freedoms. Lipset (1972) himself agrees that democracy in practice is far
from ideal and that one must distinguish between varying degrees of
democracy in democratic systems of government. Thus, we cannot assume that
a high level of economic development or the self-proclaimed label of
"democracy" assures freedom and adequate political representation.
POLITICAL BEHAVIOR IN THE UNITED STATES
As American citizens we take for granted many aspects of our political
system. We are accustomed to living in a nation with a Bill of Rights, two
major political parties, voting by secret ballot, an elected president, state and local governments distinct from the national government, and so
forth. Yet, of course, each society has its own ways of governing itself
and making decisions. Just as we expect Democratic and Republican
candidates to compete for public offices, residents of the Soviet Union are
accustomed to the domination of the Communist party. In this section, we
will examine a number of important aspects of political behavior within the
United States.
Political Socialization
Five functional prerequisites that a society must fulfill in order to survive were identified. Among these was the need to teach recruits to accept the values and customs of the group. In a political sense, this function is crucial; each succeeding generation must be encouraged to accept a society’s basic political values and its particular methods of decision making.
Political socialization is the process by which individuals acquire political attitudes and develop patterns of political behavior. This involves not only learning the prevailing beliefs of a society but also coming to accept the surrounding political system despite its limitations and problems. In the United States, people are socialized to view representative democracy as the best form of government and to cherish such values as freedom, equality, patriotism, and the right of dissent.
The principal institutions of political socialization are those which also socialize us to other cultural norms—including the family, schools, and the media. Many observers see the family as playing a particularly significant role in this process. "The family incubates political man," observed political scientist Robert Lane. In fact, parents pass on their political attitudes and evaluations to their sons and daughters through discussions at the dinner table and also through the example of their political involvement or apathy. Early socialization does not always determine a person’s political orientation; there are changes over time and between generations. Yet research on political socialization continues to show that parents’ views have an important impact on their children’s outlook.
The schools can be influential in political socialization, since they
provide young people with information and analysis of the political world.
Unlike the family and peer groups, schools are easily susceptible to
centralized and uniform control; consequently, totalitarian societies
commonly use educational institutions for purposes of indoctrination. Yet, even in democracies, where local schools are not under the pervasive
control of the national government, political education will generally
reflect the norms and values of the prevailing political order.
In the view of conflict theorists, American students learn much more
than factual information about our political and economic way of life. They
are socialized to view capitalism and representative democracy as the
"normal" and most desirable ways of organizing a nation. At the same time, competing values and forms of government are often presented in a most
negative fashion or are ignored. From a conflict perspective, this type of
political education serves the interests of the powerful and ignores the
significance of the social divisions found within the United States.
It is difficult to pinpoint a precise time in which politics is
learned. Fred Greenstein argues that the crucial time in a young person’s
psychological, social, and political development is between ages 9 and 13.
In the same vein, one study found that children 13 and 14 years of age were
much more able to understand abstract political concepts than were children
a few years younger. Specifically, in response to a question about the
meaning of government, older children tended to identify with Congress, whereas younger children identified with a more personal figure such as the
president. Other research, however, points to a significant leap in
political sophistication during the ages of 13 to 15.
Surprisingly, expression of a preference for a political party often
comes before young people have a full understanding of the political
system. Surveys indicate that 65 to 75 percent of children aged 10 and 11
express commitment to a specific political label, including "independent."
Political scientists M. Kent Jennings and Richard G. Niemi (1974) have
found that children who demonstrate high levels of political competence—by
understanding the differences between political parties and between liberal
and conservative philosophies—are more likely to become politically active
during adulthood.
Like the family and schools, the mass media can have obvious effects
on people’s thinking and political behavior. Beginning with the Kennedy-
Nixon presidential debates of 1960, television has given increasing
exposure to political candidates. One result has been the rising importance
of politicians’ "images" as perceived by the American public. Today, many
speeches given by our nation’s leaders are designed not for immediate
listeners, but for the larger television audience. In the social policy
section later, we will examine the impact of television on American
political campaigns.
Although television has obvious impact on elective politics, it has
also become an important factor in other aspects of American political
life. In 1987, when a joint congressional committee held televised hearings
on the Iran-contra scandal, Lieutenant Colonel Oliver North’s outspoken
testimony brought him a wave of public support. One effect of his media
success, though primarily in the short run, was an increase in support for
the "contras" and their effort to overthrow Nicaragua’s Marxist regime. By
contrast. Judge Robert Bork’s televised testimony before the Senate
Judiciary Committee in 1987 seemed to hurt his chances of winning
confirmation as a Supreme Court justice.
A number of communication studies have reported that the media do not
tend to influence the masses of people directly. Elihu Katz (1957)
describes the process as a two-step flow of communication, using an
approach which reflects interactionists’ emphasis on the social
significance of everyday social exchanges. In Katz’s view, messages passed
through the media first reach a small number of opinion leaders, including
teachers, religious authorities, and community activists. These leaders
"spread the word" to others over whom they have influence.
Opinion leaders are not necessarily formal leaders of organized groups
of people. For example, someone who hears a disturbing report about the
dangers of radioactive wastes in a nearby river will probably tell family
members and friends. Each of these persons may inform still others and
perhaps persuade them to support the position of an environmentalist group
working to clean up the river. Of course, in any communications process in
which someone plays an intermediate role, the message can be reinterpreted.
Opinion leaders can subtly transform a political message to their own ends.
Participation and Apathy
In theory, a representative democracy will function most effectively
and fairly if there is an informed and active electorate communicating its
views to government leaders. Unfortunately, this is hardly the case in the
United States. Virtually all Americans are familiar with the basics of the
political process, and most tend to identify to some extent with a
political party, but only a small minority (often members of the higher
social classes) actually participate in political organizations on a local
or national level. Studies reveal that only 8 percent of Americans belong
to a political club or organization. Not more than one in five has ever
contacted an official of national, state, or local government about a
political issue or problem.
The failure of most Americans to become involved in political parties has serious implications for the functioning of our democracy. Within the political system of the United States, the political party serves as an intermediary between people and government. Through competition in regularly scheduled elections, the two-party system provides for challenges to public policies and for an orderly transfer of power. An individual dissatisfied with the state of the nation or a local community can become involved in the political party process in many ways, such as by joining a political club, supporting candidates for public office, or working to change the party’s position on controversial issues. If, however, people do not take interest in the decisions of major political parties, public officials in a "representative" democracy will be chosen from two unrepresentative lists of candidates. In the 1980s, it has become clear that many
Americans are turned off by political parties, politicians, and the
specter of big government. The most dramatic indication of this growing
alienation comes from voting statistics. Voters of all ages and races
appear to be less enthusiastic than ever about American elections, even
presidential contests. For example, almost 80 percent of eligible American
voters went to the polls in the presidential election of 1896. Yet, by the
1984 election, voter turnout had fallen to less than 60 percent of all
adults. By contrast, elections during the first half of the 1980s brought
out 85 percent or more of the voting-age population in Austria, Belgium,
Italy, Portugal, and Sweden.
Declining political participation allows institutions of government to
operate with less of a sense of accountability to society. This issue is
most serious for the least powerful individual and groups within the United
States. Voter turn out has been particularly low among younger Americans
and members of racial and ethnic minorities. In 1984, only 36 percent of
eligible voters aged 18 to 20 went to the polls. According to a
postelection survey, only 55.8 percent of eligible black voters and 32.6
percent of Hispanic reported that they had actually voted. Moreover, the
poor—whose focus understandably is on survival—are traditionally under-
represented among voters as well. The low turnout found among these groups
is explained, at least in part, by their common feeling of powerlessness.
Yet such voting statistics encourage political power brokers to continue to
ignore the interests of the young, the less affluent, and the nation’s
minorities.
Sociologist Anthony Orum notes that people are more likely to participate actively in political life if they have a sense of political efficacy—that is, if they feel that they have (he ability to influence politicians and the political order. In addition, citizens are more likely to become involved if they trust political leaders or feel that an organized political party represents their interest. Without question, in an age marked by the rise of big government and by revelations of political corruption at the highest levels, many Americans of all social groups feel powerless and distrustful. Yet such feelings are especially intense among the young, the poor, and minorities. is a result, many view political participation, including voting, as a waste of time.
Cross-national comparisons, while confirming he comparatively low level of voting in the linked States, also suggest that Americans are more likely than citizens of other nations to be active at the community level, to contact local officials on behalf of themselves or others, and to have worked for a political party. Perhaps this contrast reflects how unusual it is for people to be directly involved in national political decision making in the modem world. Nevertheless, it is possible to speculate that if tens of millions of Americans did not stay home on Election Day— and instead became more active in the nation’s political life—the outcome of the political process might be somewhat different.
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